British Journal for the Philosophy of Science
LETTERS TO THE EDITORS

Author

Richard Moore

University of Warwick
Richard.Moore@warwick.ac.uk

Claudio Tennie

University of Tübingen
Claudio.Tennie@uni-tuebingen.de


Cite As

Moore, R. and Tennie, C. [2025]: ‘Know-How Copying Is Fundamental to Human Culture: Sterelny, Cultural Evolution, Niche Construction, and Ecological Inheritance’, BJPS Letters to the Editors, 2025.

2 January 2025

Know-How Copying Is Fundamental to Human Culture

Sterelny argues that the role of copying (and especially single model copying) in human culture is overstated. Consequently, he thinks it misguided to characterize cultural evolution as Darwinian, since there are no clear parent–offspring lineages at the cultural level. He also makes a positive case for the role of niche construction and individual learning in cumulative culture. We endorse his positive claim but he overstates his negative case. Showing that cultural development can occur without Darwinian cultural evolution or know-how copying does not mean that know-how copying is superfluous; or that parent–offspring cultural lineages are rare.

Sterelny acknowledges that imitation (we prefer ‘know-how copying’1Buskell, A. and Tennie, C. [2025]: ‘Mere Recurrence and Cumulative Culture at the Margins’, British Journal for the Philosophy of Science, 76, available at <doi.org/10.1086/717776>.; henceforth: copying) may be necessary for peripheral social rituals like dancing, and that copying may create parent–offspring lineages in these cases. He mostly downplays the roles of copying in the cases of skill mastery central to his argument. However, copying is not only necessary in cases where traits evolve in Darwinian ways. Many human traits depend on copying more indirectly. For example, while Sterelny acknowledges that language contributes to the construction of the social niches that facilitate craftsmanship, he glosses over how languages must be learned. Copying is plausibly necessary for natural language acquisition,2Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 364, pp. 2405–15.
Moore, R. [2013]: ‘Imitation and Conventional Communication’, Biology and Philosophy, 28, pp. 481–500.
and by extension for every trait that depends on it. In spoken languages, if speakers cannot accurately copy words, they won’t have a usable language. For this they must reproduce the sounds used by others. These are often arbitrary, and so unlikely to be produced without copying.3Moore, R. [2013]: ‘Imitation and Conventional Communication’, Biology and Philosophy, 28, pp. 481–500.

Copying is often thought central to human cultural origins precisely because it can be non-verbal, is present in prelinguistic infants, and is largely absent in great apes.4Tomasello, M. [2008]: Origins of Human Communication, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Of course, copying alone is not sufficient for natural language acquisition. Learners must also understand the goals towards which others use words to understand their communicative functions. Other factors (for example, knowledge of syntax) may play necessary or facilitating roles, too. However, while not sufficient, copying is likely necessary for language—and so for all things dependent on it. Additionally, while languages are unlikely to be learned from single models, words may be, and in one or few shots.5Bloom, P. [2000]: How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Sterelny’s prime examples concern not language but skill mastery. Again, he downplays the roles of copying, we think prematurely. Empirically it is established that some kinds of cultural learning occur unreliably for agents who are poor at copying, yet reliably for agents who are good at it.6Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 364, pp. 2405–15. Where copying is present, it need not entail that skill acquisition is rapid, or the presence of single-model student–teacher apprenticeships. Still, even learning from multiple models can involve copying (for example, learning a fan chant from a sea of singing fans). Where cultural traits differ across multiple models, copying cannot be excluded per se, since learners may specifically copy only parts of the whole trait from different individuals.7Godfrey-Smith, P. [2009]: Darwinian Populations and Natural Selection, Oxford: Oxford University Press. So there may be many cases where copying plays a crucial role, even if this is not salient. Sterelny concludes that copying is largely unnecessary for skill mastery, but he shows only that it is insufficient and not always salient. Sufficiency was never the issue, however, and salience is not a requirement.

Sterelny extends his denying a major role for copying deep into human evolution:

Productive, robust response to the unpredictable and idiosyncratic properties of stone has a deep history, as deep as the Acheulean. For Acheulean handaxes cannot be made by learning and applying a fixed procedure. Raw material is too variable; artisans have to adjust their procedures to the shape and composition of the cobble on which they are working.

Since the mastery of technical and social skills can depend on copying even in non-obvious ways, the roles of copying must be investigated empirically. It is often a matter of controversy.8Koops, K., Biro, D., Matsuzawa, T., McGrew, W. C. and Carvalho, S. [2023]: ‘Appropriate Knowledge of Wild Chimpanzee Behavior (“Know-What”) and Field Experimental Protocols (“Know-How”) Are Essential Prerequisites for Testing the Origins and Spread of Technological Behavior’, Animal Behavior and Cognition, 10, pp. 163–68. Such investigations indeed point away from a major role for copying in early Acheulean handaxe production.9Tennie, C., Braun, D. R., Premo, L. S. and McPherron, S. P. [2016]: ‘The Island Test for Cumulative Culture in Paleolithic Cultures: The Nature of Culture’, in M. N. Haidle, N. J. Conard and M. Bolus (eds), Vertebrate Paleobiology and Paleoanthropology, Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 121–33. Copying also seems to play little role either in earlier hominin or great ape tool use too, with ever fewer ape cases debated.10Gunasekaram, C., Battiston, F., Sadekar, O., Padilla-Iglesias, C., van Noordwijk, M. A., Furrer, R., Manica, A. et al.  [2024]: ‘Population Connectivity Shapes the Distribution and Complexity of Chimpanzee Cumulative Culture’, Science, 386, pp. 920–25. This is consistent with data showing unenculturated, untrained apes are generally poor at copying.11Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 364, pp. 2405–15.
Berio, L. and Moore, R. [2023]: ‘Enculturation and Cognition: Learning from Great Apes’, Biology and Philosophy, 38, available at <doi.org/10.1007/s10539-023-09908-y>.

In stark contrast, late handaxes are more likely to depend upon copying. These cases (currently) mark the beginnings of copying in the archaeological record, around 800 kya.12Tennie, C. [2023]: ‘The Earliest Tools and Cultures of Hominins’, in J. Tehrani, J. Kendal and R. Kendal (eds), Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, available at <doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198869252.013.33>. Again, copying was not the only mechanism at play, and the identifiable contribution of copying varies even across Late Acheulean handaxes. Late Acheulean tools at Boxgrove (500 kya) stand out,13Tennie, C. [2023]: ‘The Earliest Tools and Cultures of Hominins’, in J. Tehrani, J. Kendal and R. Kendal (eds), Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, available at <doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198869252.013.33>. particularly given the specifics of the tools that were used to make them.14Putt, S. S., Anwarzai, Z., Holden, C., Ruck, L. and Schoenemann, P. T. [2024]: ‘The Evolution of Combinatoriality and Compositionality in Hominid Tool Use: A Comparative Perspective’, International Journal of Primatology, 45, pp. 589–634. Still, whether copying played a major role is an empirical question not yet settled. The modern skills Sterelny describes may have required copying to get off the ground, in the current generations of learners and/or in their forebears.

Implicitly, Sterelny allies himself with the ‘Paris school’ of cultural evolutionists who,15Sterelny, K. [2017]: ‘Cultural Evolution in California and Paris’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 62, pp. 42–50. unlike ‘California’ theorists, downplay the role of copying in human culture. Paris theorist Olivier Morin writes: ‘Humans […] have no particular aptitude for cultural transmission […] We do not need to speculate that we developed one adaptation to culture, or one imitative faculty, which set cultural history in motion’.16Morin, O. [2015]: How Traditions Live and Die, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 214. For the reasons described above, we are sceptical. Morin asks us to imagine that human culture could be the same without copying, thus, without languages (among other things).17Morin, O. [2015]: How Traditions Live and Die, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 11. Sterenly’s position is more nuanced. Nonetheless, both overlook the subtle, yet pervasive, roles of copying in human culture (and niche construction). Even if not always salient, its contribution to historically significant human skill sets may be necessary. If Sterelny understates the contributions of copying to human culture, he may also underestimate the presence of cultural replicators in our learning environment—and of Darwinian lineages in cultural domains.

Richard Moore & Claudio Tennie

Notes

1   Buskell, A. and Tennie, C. [2025]: ‘Mere Recurrence and Cumulative Culture at the Margins’, British Journal for the Philosophy of Science76, available at <doi.org/10.1086/717776>.

2    Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B364, pp. 2405–15.
    Moore, R. [2013]: ‘Imitation and Conventional Communication’, Biology and Philosophy28, pp. 481–500.

3   Moore, R. [2013]: ‘Imitation and Conventional Communication’, Biology and Philosophy28, pp. 481–500.

4   Tomasello, M. [2008]: Origins of Human Communication, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

5   Bloom, P. [2000]: How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

6   Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B364, pp. 2405–15.

7   Godfrey-Smith, P. [2009]: Darwinian Populations and Natural Selection, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

8    Tennie, C., Braun, D. R., Premo, L. S. and McPherron, S. P. [2016]: ‘The Island Test for Cumulative Culture in Paleolithic Cultures: The Nature of Culture’, in M. N. Haidle, N. J. Conard and M. Bolus (eds), Vertebrate Paleobiology and Paleoanthropology, Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 121–33.
    Koops, K., Biro, D., Matsuzawa, T., McGrew, W. C. and Carvalho, S. [2023]: ‘Appropriate Knowledge of Wild Chimpanzee Behavior (“Know-What”) and Field Experimental Protocols (“Know-How”) Are Essential Prerequisites for Testing the Origins and Spread of Technological Behavior’, Animal Behavior and Cognition10, pp. 163–68.

9   Tennie, C., Braun, D. R., Premo, L. S. and McPherron, S. P. [2016]: ‘The Island Test for Cumulative Culture in Paleolithic Cultures: The Nature of Culture’, in M. N. Haidle, N. J. Conard and M. Bolus (eds), Vertebrate Paleobiology and Paleoanthropology, Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 121–33.

10   Gunasekaram, C., Battiston, F., Sadekar, O., Padilla-Iglesias, C., van Noordwijk, M. A., Furrer, R., Manica, A. et al. [2024]: ‘Population Connectivity Shapes the Distribution and Complexity of Chimpanzee Cumulative Culture’, Science386, pp. 920–25.

11   Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B364, pp. 2405–15.
    Berio, L. and Moore, R. [2023]: ‘Great Ape Enculturation Studies: A Neglected Resource in Cognitive Development Research’, Biology and Philosophy38, available at <doi.org/10.1007/s10539-023-09908-y>.

12   Tennie, C. [2023]: ‘The Earliest Tools and Cultures of Hominins’, in J. Tehrani, J. Kendal and R. Kendal (eds), Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, available at <doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198869252.013.33>.

13   Tennie, C. [2023]: ‘The Earliest Tools and Cultures of Hominins’, in J. Tehrani, J. Kendal and R. Kendal (eds), Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, available at <doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198869252.013.33>.

14  Putt, S. S., Anwarzai, Z., Holden, C., Ruck, L. and Schoenemann, P. T. [2024]: ‘The Evolution of Combinatoriality and Compositionality in Hominid Tool Use: A Comparative Perspective’, International Journal of Primatology, 45, pp. 589–634.

15   Sterelny, K. [2017]: ‘Cultural Evolution in California and Paris’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences62, pp. 42–50.

16   Morin, O. [2015]: How Traditions Live and Die, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 214.

17   Morin, O. [2015]: How Traditions Live and Die, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 11.

Author

Kim Sterelny

The Australian National University
kim.sterelny@anu.edu.au


Cite As

Sterelny, K. [2025]: ‘Know-How Copying Is Fundamental to Human Culture: Reply to Moore and Tennie’, BJPS Letters to the Editors, 2025.

7 February 2025

Know-How Copying Is Fundamental to Human Culture: Reply to Moore and Tennie

It is always a pleasure to exchange ideas with Richard Moore and Claudio Tennie, and responding to their letter is no exception. They will not be too shocked, though, to learn that I am not yet persuaded. They are right that I have downplayed the role of copying in skill transmission, though less so in skills that are centrally social rather than ecological (‘world-facing’ skills, in my argot). Since sociality is so central to human life, these exceptions are not especially marginal cases. In developing that sceptical case, while not being explicit, I predominantly had in mind motor-pattern copying, as in a dance step or ritual handshake. Vocal imitation in language acquisition may be a special case, albeit an important one. To the best of my knowledge, those few bird lineages capable of vocal imitation do not show more generalized copying abilities, perhaps supporting the view that this is a special case both ecologically and cognitively. Being able to copy in learning language need not show more general copying abilities, or a more general importance of copying. Moore and Tennie, taking up this central example of language, suggest its importance shows that copying plays an essential role, at least indirectly. If language is critical to world-facing skill transmission, the ability to copy is indirectly critical, even if skill transmission itself does not rely on motor-pattern copying. As I see it, here the evidence is not decisive. While the ethnography of forager skill acquisition, cited in the the target article, certainly shows children build skills in a richly conversational world, it also shows that this skill acquisition is scaffolded by rich non-linguistic inputs. Would these suffice without advice, encouragement, feedback? We do not know.

Suppose I accept that point. It does not affect the core argument of the article. I claimed that for skills and technologies to be improved over generations by selection acting on culturally inherited traits, there must be identifiable expert–novice lineages. Without these, cultural fitness is undefined and there are no differences in cultural fitness. Without differences in cultural fitness, selection cannot act on culturally transmitted traits. I then argued that ethnography suggests that such identifiable lineages are rare. Forager children learn most of their skills reliably via redundancy. They do so using multiple models, through multiple social channels (observation, demonstration, advice and feedback, explicit teaching); through quasi-social channels (access to partial and complete tools, to raw materials already collected and processed, to toys that are miniature tools); and through natural channels. Redundancy erodes identifiable lineages of cultural descent, and that is true even if language is an essential ingredient of this education system.

Moore and Tennie point out, too, that there can be identifiable lineages even when novices learn from multiple models. A novice might extract a specific element of a skill from a specific model. Perhaps in learning to make a fish spear, a novice learns the shape of the barbs from one hunter and the recipe for adhesives to attach the barb to the shaft from another. In principle, this is certainly possible. But, in practice, the ethnography cited in the target article does not suggest that it is typical. In my view, the core claim of the target paper stands. Identifiable expert–novice lineages are atypical.

A final point, and returning to language. What counts as copying? Tennie’s work on cumulative culture is important because he offers an explanatory hypothesis. Cumulative culture is (more or less) uniquely human because it depends on high-fidelity transmission of cultural traits across generations, and high-fidelity transmission depends on the ability to copy the performance of a model. That This capacity has evolved (to a suitable threshold) only in humans. Hence cumulative culture is more or less confined to the hominins. But this is an explanatory hypothesis only if there is an independent account of what counts as a copying mechanism. If anything that permits a novice to produce a performance that resembles that of their model counts as copying, we no longer have an explanation of high-fidelity transmission, just an insistence on its importance. If I may be permitted to self-cite, (Sterelny and Hiscock [2024]) does offer an account of copying.1 Sterelny, K. and Hiscock, P. [2024]: ‘Cumulative Culture, Archaeology, and the Zone of Latent Solutions’, Current Anthropology, 64, pp. 23–48. I await one from Moore and Tennie.

Kim Sterelny

Notes

1   Sterelny, K. and Hiscock, P. [2024]: ‘Cumulative Culture, Archaeology, and the Zone of Latent Solutions’, Current Anthropology, 64, pp. 23–48.

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Notes

  • 1
    Buskell, A. and Tennie, C. [2025]: ‘Mere Recurrence and Cumulative Culture at the Margins’, British Journal for the Philosophy of Science, 76, available at <doi.org/10.1086/717776>.
  • 2
    Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 364, pp. 2405–15.
    Moore, R. [2013]: ‘Imitation and Conventional Communication’, Biology and Philosophy, 28, pp. 481–500.
  • 3
    Moore, R. [2013]: ‘Imitation and Conventional Communication’, Biology and Philosophy, 28, pp. 481–500.
  • 4
    Tomasello, M. [2008]: Origins of Human Communication, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
  • 5
    Bloom, P. [2000]: How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
  • 6
    Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 364, pp. 2405–15.
  • 7
    Godfrey-Smith, P. [2009]: Darwinian Populations and Natural Selection, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • 8
    Koops, K., Biro, D., Matsuzawa, T., McGrew, W. C. and Carvalho, S. [2023]: ‘Appropriate Knowledge of Wild Chimpanzee Behavior (“Know-What”) and Field Experimental Protocols (“Know-How”) Are Essential Prerequisites for Testing the Origins and Spread of Technological Behavior’, Animal Behavior and Cognition, 10, pp. 163–68.
  • 9
    Tennie, C., Braun, D. R., Premo, L. S. and McPherron, S. P. [2016]: ‘The Island Test for Cumulative Culture in Paleolithic Cultures: The Nature of Culture’, in M. N. Haidle, N. J. Conard and M. Bolus (eds), Vertebrate Paleobiology and Paleoanthropology, Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 121–33.
  • 10
    Gunasekaram, C., Battiston, F., Sadekar, O., Padilla-Iglesias, C., van Noordwijk, M. A., Furrer, R., Manica, A. et al.  [2024]: ‘Population Connectivity Shapes the Distribution and Complexity of Chimpanzee Cumulative Culture’, Science, 386, pp. 920–25.
  • 11
    Tennie, C., Call, J. and Tomasello, M. [2009]: ‘Ratcheting up the Ratchet: On the Evolution of Cumulative Culture’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B, 364, pp. 2405–15.
    Berio, L. and Moore, R. [2023]: ‘Enculturation and Cognition: Learning from Great Apes’, Biology and Philosophy, 38, available at <doi.org/10.1007/s10539-023-09908-y>.
  • 12
    Tennie, C. [2023]: ‘The Earliest Tools and Cultures of Hominins’, in J. Tehrani, J. Kendal and R. Kendal (eds), Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, available at <doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198869252.013.33>.
  • 13
    Tennie, C. [2023]: ‘The Earliest Tools and Cultures of Hominins’, in J. Tehrani, J. Kendal and R. Kendal (eds), Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, available at <doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198869252.013.33>.
  • 14
    Putt, S. S., Anwarzai, Z., Holden, C., Ruck, L. and Schoenemann, P. T. [2024]: ‘The Evolution of Combinatoriality and Compositionality in Hominid Tool Use: A Comparative Perspective’, International Journal of Primatology, 45, pp. 589–634.
  • 15
    Sterelny, K. [2017]: ‘Cultural Evolution in California and Paris’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 62, pp. 42–50.
  • 16
    Morin, O. [2015]: How Traditions Live and Die, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 214.
  • 17
    Morin, O. [2015]: How Traditions Live and Die, Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 11.
  • 1
    Sterelny, K. and Hiscock, P. [2024]: ‘Cumulative Culture, Archaeology, and the Zone of Latent Solutions’, Current Anthropology, 64, pp. 23–48.